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Scientists used computer simulations with data from MAVEN to model a Mars-like planet orbiting a hypothetical M-type red dwarf star.

The habitable zone of such a star is much closer than the one around our Sun. Being in the habitable zone that much closer to a star has repercussions.

In this imaginary situation, the planet would receive about 5 to 10 times more ultraviolet radiation than the real Mars does, speeding up atmospheric escape to much higher rates and shortening the habitable period for the planet by a factor of about 5 to These results make clear just how delicate a balance needs to exist for life to flourish.

But each of these methods provides a valuable new tool in the multi-faceted search for exoplanet life. Armed with these tools, and bringing to bear a diversity of scientific perspectives, we are better positioned than ever to ask: are we alone?

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Show more notes. RUN EP Jimin finds everything JK does funny. Jeffrey talking about Re-Animator in the horror documentary In Search of Darkness Jeffrey Combs Herbert West in search of darkness.

Hey baby, viking-raider and I wrote this but not sure crotches were involved Demon of Lust. Accidentally waking Henry up by crawling into bed late at night.

He moves to pull you close, but you resist him and he feels why, your freez. The solution I came up with was incredibly simple.

I took the cover off the tank and set it behind the toilet. That was all it took! The original cue was the sensation of needing to use the restroom.

From there, I would go directly into autopilot and head to the bathroom. What I needed was another cue that came later. But I had to set it up outside of the habit routine.

I had to wait until I was no longer in the cycle, and then set up the secondary cue by taking the lid off the tank so when the cue came again and my brain went into autopilot, it would get another cue upon reaching the toilet that would interrupt the habit and give me that critical moment of pause to reassess the situation.

Identify the beginning of the automatic routine that fires once the cue comes, and insert a second cue that breaks you out of autopilot long enough to make a different decision about what to do.

In the last months of as the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower was coming to a close, the U. The discovery caused apprehension within the Eisenhower administration by invoking concerns about regional stability and nuclear proliferation, but it also produced annoyance because Israeli officials at all levels provided less than credible answers to U.

One episode that helped create a sense of deception was that, in response to initial U. But recently unearthed U.

They show that during a helicopter flight in September , with American Ambassador Ogden Reid and others of his staff on board, not far from the reactor site, Ambassador Reid or one of the travelers asked what the big construction site was.

The documents provide new perspectives on how the Eisenhower administration learned about the secret reactor project, how it reacted to the discovery, and how the Israelis responded.

Among the findings are these:. Also published in this collection are important documents that have been available in previous National Security Archive postings, but are a significant part of the record of the discovery of Dimona, including:.

It occurred more than five years after Israel had made a secret national commitment to create a nuclear program aiming at providing an option to produce nuclear weapons; more than three years after Israel had signed its secret comprehensive nuclear bargain with France; and two years or more after Israel had begun the vast excavation and construction work at the Dimona site.

The tardiness of the discovery was a major blunder, what is called in our times an intelligence failure. In comparative terms, it was probably as severe as or more so than the failures to anticipate the Indian nuclear tests of in and Some of the documents included in this e-book provide clues as to why the discovery was delayed and the roots and causes of the intelligence failure.

What amounted to an intelligence breakdown by the United States was a tremendous counterintelligence success for Israel. The U. One could argue that had the United States discovered Dimona two years earlier, perhaps even a year earlier, that the young and fragile undertaking might not have survived.

Early political pressure from the United States on the two foreign suppliers, France and Norway, might have terminated it at the very start.

The documents presented here reveal how surprised and angry the Eisenhower administration was when it learned about Dimona — and yet how circumspect Washington was in its reaction to the discovery.

There was a huge gap between what senior U. On the one hand, the Americans were convinced that the evidence they had amassed indicated that it was plutonium production-oriented project with weapons potential that posed a significant proliferation risk.

They were irritated that the Israelis were trying to pull the wool over their eyes with all manner of evasive answers and misleading stories.

There are hints that U. To appreciate the full historical context of the American intelligence failure we need to say a little bit about the Dimona project itself.

Ben-Gurion delegated that difficult task to a young 32 years of age and highly ambitious lieutenant, Shimon Peres, whose formal position was then the director general of the Ministry of Defense.

Within three years, from to , Peres did almost the impossible: he managed to transform the idea of a national nuclear program from a vague vision of the future into a real technological project in the making.

Those three years were filled with internal deliberations, debates and planning. Often different courses of action were examined simultaneously, on parallel or even conflicting tracks.

At least three countries were considered at one time or another to be the foreign supplier: the United States, France, Norway and, to a limited extent, the United Kingdom.

This raises the issue of secrecy. The story of Dimona is one of a huge secret. Secrecy was essential in order to shield and insulate the highly vulnerable, newly born, project from a hostile outside.

At the very core, of course, it is an Israeli secret — the largest, most comprehensive and longest-held secret Israel has ever generated. However, it is more than an Israeli secret; Israel had partners in this venture.

The prime partner was the chief foreign supplier, France; the second was Norway, in concert with the British. And then there was the United States.

In a sense, the secrecy surrounding Dimona was aimed primarily against the United States. After all, of all the nations involved, the U.

Since the time of the Baruch Plan in the United States had been on the record opposing the spread of nuclear weapons.

Washington helped to create the IAEA in — the very same year the Dimona deal was signed — and since then it had promoted the creation of an international safeguards system.

Should the Dimona secret have been compromised, the United States would have likely exercised pressure on France either to terminate the project altogether or at least to submit it to international safeguards.

The discoveries of the French and Norwegian roles in the Israeli nuclear project were a revelation to the Eisenhower administration but it was even more surprised to discover that it already had in its possession clues that had not been followed up until it was too late.

The post-mortem treated the missed opportunities as unfortunate but innocent errors caused by the deficient sharing of information and poor follow-up of instructions.

But there have been more conspiratorial explanations of the missed opportunities: for example, the view that pro-Israeli officials in the AEC, CIA, and other agencies stove-piped important reports and information, and the open question that President Eisenhower himself may have chosen to look the other way during A more delicate and complex dilemma faced by the Eisenhower administration was how to respond both publicly and privately to the challenge to U.

Specifically, the administration had to decide how tough it should be and how to balance the Israeli proliferation concern against the rest of the U.

The administration remained skeptical, if not suspicious. The possible public disclosure of Dimona also placed Israel, and specifically Prime Minister Ben-Gurion, in a dilemma: How should it react to the disclosure?

How much should Israel tell and how truthful should it be? Could Israel tell the U. The question was whether Israel should choose the path of truth or the path of ambiguity and deception.

Because the first public statement would have great impact, this was a truly fateful decision. The internal Israeli deliberations about what to say are still unavailable, but it is possible to reconstruct the underlying reasoning based on important public and private statements made by Israeli officials, including Ben-Gurion.

Ben-Gurion chose the path of ambiguity and concealment: he declared that Dimona was purely a civilian scientific project, for training in the use of nuclear power for economic development.

In his private assurances to the United States Ben-Gurion provided some new information, but it was entirely consistent with his public version.

For Ben-Gurion this ambiguous, if not entirely deceitful, strategy had obvious short-term benefits: lessening U. Nor was the departing president interested in escalating the Dimona problem into a diplomatic confrontation, which would not have even been possible given , with all that was already on his agenda the Laos and Berlin crises, for example.

Because relations with Israel had been relatively good, Israel had significant domestic support within the United States, and, perhaps most significantly, the Eisenhower administration was in its last few days in office, the White House let the State Department deal with the issue, keeping it under diplomatic control until the new Kennedy administration took office.

A determination to avoid a crisis encouraged senior officials such as Assistant Secretary of State G. The dilemma the Eisenhower administration faced after the discovery of Dimona in December January would endure for the entire decade.

From then on, three successive U. President Kennedy chose the toughest path of struggle and confrontation in his effort to check the program; President Johnson realized that the U.

The documents that follow are illuminating but more is to be learned. Many records remain classified in the National Archives, not only in State Department files but also those of the Atomic Energy Commission.

The papers of AEC Chairman John McCone at the National Archives include a file on Israel which is the subject of an earlier declassification request along with related State Department files.

Moreover, the National Security Archive has pending requests with the Department of Energy, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the Dwight D.

Eisenhower Library. In response to a request to re-review SNIE See Document 8 , the CIA has held the line, refusing to release more information.

The request is now under appeal. A : Department of State Instruction A to U. Embassy Tel Aviv Despatch No. Source for both: National Archives College Park , Record Group 59, Department of State Records hereinafter RG 59 , Central Decimal Files, , a.

Some in the U. As an example, the instruction cited a recent press report in the Jerusalem Post on French-Israeli atomic cooperation.

He noted that the agreement had no provision under which France was obligated to supply Israel uranium as had been reported; nor had Israel ever received such supply.

The comments were quite accurate as far as that unpublished bi-lateral exchange agreement was concerned Bergmann mentioned that there was also a tri-lateral agreement on atomic energy research between Israel, France and the UK.

Israel did not advertise the existence of those agreements, but did not treat them as classified either. Not surprisingly, however, Bergmann made no reference to the extremely secret French-Israeli Dimona agreement which had been signed in Paris on 3 October One must assume that he must have known something about that deal but it is not clear how much knew given that the IAEC was hardly consulted, let alone involved, in the decisions and actions that led to Dimona.

Or perhaps it was a mix of both? It is worth noting that Bergmann was known among Israelis as being loose on secrecy and this was apparently one of the reasons why he was bypassed on the Dimona project.

In April U. Moreover, U. The category signifies communications, transportation, and science; 84A stands for Israel; and indicates research and development.

A : Memorandum of Conversation, Norwegian Foreign Ministry, 5 June , Secret, with 30 December routing slip [transcript attached].

B : Richard Kerry to Philip Farley, 15 June , Secret. Sources: A: RG 59, Records of Special Assistant to the Secretary of State for Atomic Energy and Outer Space, Records Relating to Atomic Energy Matters, [SAE], box , File Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy Safeguards Sept-Dec Part 1 of 3; B: RG 59, SAE, box , Z1.

General Part 2 of 2 C: RG 59, SAE, box , Country File Norway d. General Part 2 of 2. A critical piece of information that was known to the State Department, but for obscure reasons remained unknown to the U.

The Norwegians claimed that they wanted to keep the transaction under wraps because disclosure could hurt their diplomatic standing and interfere with business prospects in the Middle East.

Evidently, Israel had equally strong reasons of her own to keep the heavy water deal secret as well. For this reason, but also due to an availability issue, Norway used the U.

Then, as part of the three-party arrangement, the Norwegians asked the British to resell their excess heavy water back to NORATOM; even though the product would be shipped directly from the United Kingdom to Israel, it was NORATOM that was selling it.

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He bounced back and forth on whether or not she should stay with us. We discussed the rules and everything she would have the upstairs we would take the downstairs and he would never step foot upstairs, she would never step foot in our bedroom we came to an agreement.

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He ended up leaving and moving in with her that day. Honestly, she was with him before and he cheated on her both times.

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She has no boundaries. She enjoys making sex videos, nude videos and sending them to married men. She has no self respect, no dignity and no shame about how her actions impact her husband, her family and others.

She and I were married from Oct. I worked around 80 hours to keep a roof over our heads, and to provide for our family.

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I never suspected that Amber was cheating on me, because she constantly told me how much she hated people who cheated. Communities Queer Voices Women Black Voices Latino Voices Asian Voices.

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